TRUNK N' TAILS - EPISODE 38 NOVEMBER 9, 2026

[00:00:00] Welcome to another edition of Trunk N' Tails as we navigate what is happening in the world of national politics. I'm Stacy Smith and I ask that you hit the like or the subscribe button on whatever platform you happen to use. Well, everybody has their opinions about what happened in the last election and why, and what happens next can be of critical importance to both parties in 2028. The opinions of my panel of professional politicians, including the chairman of the Pennsylvania Democratic Party, are coming up next in this edition of Trunk and Tails.

[00:00:37] And with me to talk about this is my panel of political analysts and experts, and they are the former Republican governor of Pennsylvania, Tom Corbett. Mr. Corbett also served as the state attorney general and the U.S. attorney for the Western District of Pennsylvania. Mr. Corbett teaches law right now. Joining me on the Democratic side also is the Pennsylvania Democratic State Party chairman, Eugene DeBasquale. Mr. DeBasquale also served as the auditor general of Pennsylvania, holding that office for two terms. Prior to that, he was elected to the state legislature.

[00:01:06] And besides chairing the party, he also teaches at both Pitt and at York College. Keith Schmidt was the state director for former Republican Senator Rick Santorum. Keith also consulted on Santorum's 2012 presidential bid, and Keith has his own consulting firm. And with us also is Joe Mystic. Joe's background includes consulting Democrats across the state and serving in city government. Joe teaches law at Duquesne University, and you can read his thoughts on life and politics every weekend in the Tribune Review.

[00:01:34] Gentlemen, thanks so much for joining me for this edition of Trunk and Tails. So let's just go ahead and get right into this. You guys are professionals. You can put aside your party affiliations for just a few minutes here for the sake of this conversation and discuss whys and the whats and wheres of the next, of what happened and where we're going next, I guess. Let me start with the Democratic State Party Chairman Eugene DeBasquale.

[00:02:00] Eugene, let me say, first of all, congratulations to you and your party because it was a sweeping victory in the state of Pennsylvania. No, thanks, Stacy. And look, it was as big a win as you could have imagined, and we'll talk more about it in detail, but I appreciate that. And now we've got to do something with it. Right. Well, let's go, before we get into what you're going to do with it, let's say your analysis as to why it was such a sweeping victory.

[00:02:31] I think, look, you start off with, I always thought we were going to win the House because that's what happens in midterms. I think the real change you would have seen was started with the war in Iran, and I think that's where the real change began politically, where the gas prices started to go up. Certainly, I think when you see the huge Hispanic turnout, I think there's no question that the shootings in Minneapolis had a reverberation across the country as well.

[00:02:59] But this thing was an economic election that drove a huge Democratic wave across the country because, quite frankly, people don't like paying that high a gas price, and the president didn't seem to even care about the concerns of average everyday people when it came to that. And that carried through for your party to the state level as well because you took the Senate back. It created the environment where all of that was possible. Do I think we had good candidates and ran good campaigns, and do I think we were disciplined and on message and all that stuff?

[00:03:28] The answer is yes. Do I think we focused on the right stuff? Did we have a very popular governor running for re-election? I think that is all yes, yes, yes, yes, and yes. But the overall climate began with the Iran war. There's no question in my mind that that's where it began. And then you have to sort of run a good campaign in addition to that, but that's where this began. There's no way we are flipping the Texas State House of Representatives without the right political climate.

[00:03:58] All right. Governor, your thoughts? I would agree with Gene. I would agree with him completely on this. Can you move a little bit closer to the microphone there? Thank you. I would agree with him completely on this. This is a very rare election where you had a president who has won the presidency twice with a break in between. And he governs in a way that turned everybody who voted for him, not everybody, but a lot of people who voted for him against him.

[00:04:28] The people in the middle and Democrats who voted for him in the past. And it affected not only the federal elections, but it affected state elections all across the United States. And you can see it in the numbers. For the Republicans to lose the state Senate was unusual. It's been, Gene, what, 30 years since that happened? 30 years. That's right. 30 years.

[00:04:53] And but it is as a result of, in my opinion, people voting against the president and anybody who's in his party rather than people necessarily supporting the actual candidate on the Democrat side. No offense to the Democrat candidates. But I think the country was mad at Republicans. They were mad at the president. And they said this is our one chance to be able to speak up and to act.

[00:05:19] And the Republican Party in the state and in the country is suffering the consequences of the last two years. Joe, you're shaking your head yes. You agree? Yeah, I do agree. But I think it's just a matter of people finally being fed up. They can't afford groceries. They can't afford gas. This guy's obsessed over a ballroom with crystal chandeliers and marble floors.

[00:05:45] You know, he's obsessed over the reflecting pool. He seems to care about everything but the things that count most to Americans. Now, you know, this was a great victory for Democrats, albeit. But it was also a great victory for traditional Republicans. You know, they've broken that hook, that tie, you know, that was binding them to this guy. And, you know, it's killing them.

[00:06:15] And, you know, if you talk to your Republican, like my two great friends here, Keith Schmidt and Tom Corbett, you know, they're down the center Republicans. They're traditional Republicans. This guy's not a Republican. And if you need any proof that he's not a Republican, it's the results of this past election. You know, the Republican Party rejected him. All right. Keith, do you agree with that? I agree with all three of my colleagues, I think, made great points. That's the trouble with going forth.

[00:06:45] You know, you made all kinds of good points. I don't know what I'm going to say. But I'll come up with this. My sense is, I've said it in previous episodes, I think the fatigue for America was growing on Trump. It's not only a second term, midterm, but there was a four-year period in which he was Googled more than the sitting president. So he's been on our landscape for 10 years. And there was a sense of, as Joe put it, fed up or fatigue.

[00:07:12] And the antics actually that we saw in 16 and 18 and 20 and 22 actually grew much more acutely. I mean, he was doubling down. And as I said many times, I'm a Reagan Republican. But you accepted a lot of the antics or you forgave somehow because you like the numbers. You like what was happening and things were good. But when they don't, they just amplify how ridiculous it is for a president to be focused on some of the things that he's focused on.

[00:07:42] You know, and it was a perfect storm. I mean, I think we all have used the analogy, it's the economy stupid from, I think, the Bush one race. But – and I always do believe that domestic policy really – they vote more on domestic policies than international politics. But international politics affected domestic policy. So it was a punch.

[00:08:04] I mean, that war, although some people rally around the whole objective and they know they're the bullies of the Middle East for the last half century and they can't have nuclear capability. But guess what? They're controlling our gas prices in a way that it affects every American, especially on the diesel side with the delivery of goods and whatnot, the affordability. So, yeah, there was a perfect storm. You know, and we'll get into details, I'm sure, further in this discussion. So I'll end there.

[00:08:33] But I always remember that Time magazine right after the election in 72 with a big face of Richard Nixon. And it was Nixon's big win. What will you do with it? And I think that's part of the question. That's part of the discussion I'd like to get into. Now, the question is, it was a big win. It was a Watergate-sized win, maybe even bigger than Watergate was if we look at these numbers. Now the question is, what will they do with it? And I have some thoughts on that as well. Yeah, we are going to get into that. Thanks, Keith.

[00:09:04] But what can we take from this election? With the last several elections, I'm going to posit this theory. And it does not seem like there is really a shift in voter affiliation with either party. They're now reacting to what they like and they don't like. At least that's the impression I get. You know, last time we met, we talked about what the Cook Political Report called the double disenchanted. And those were people who said that they just couldn't vote for Democrats, but they didn't necessarily like the president.

[00:09:32] So am I correct that this is not necessarily a total swing to the Democratic Party? There is really, the voters are saying lying and clear, you're supposed to care about us more than yourselves. And this is to me, you know, we have an opportunity now. And again, we can talk more about this. I think we should govern in a way, let's be clear, we don't have the White House, but in Pennsylvania we have all three now.

[00:10:00] We should be governing with the knowledge that we got a mandate for, maybe it's not a mandate for Democrats, but it's an anti-Trump mandate, whatever phrase you want to use, to put the voters first. Whether that's economic, whether it's child care, housing policy, minimum wage. Again, we can have debates about these policies, but the idea is we should be pushing things that help the voters. If we do that, I think we will be rewarded.

[00:10:27] If we don't, we'll be the ones looking for the outdoors soon because the voters, I think Joe hit the nail on the head. They were seeing not only a president who didn't seem to care about how Iran impacted them, but also the ballroom and the chandeliers and stuff like that. At the end of the day, the voters want us to put them first, not ourselves first. Anybody else think I'm wrong on this? Well, I would agree with Gene on this. The Democrats won.

[00:10:57] Yes. And the question is now what are they going to do? Because especially let's take the House where they have the trifecta. You know, when I was governor in my term, I actually had both houses and the governorship. It's not as easy as people think because members of the party, there are variations to the members of the party from the far left to maybe the middle. I don't think there's any far right in there.

[00:11:26] And now let's select the people on the left. They have ideas of what they think should be done that I don't think the people of Pennsylvania necessarily voted for. I think they were voting against Trump and everybody affiliated with him.

[00:11:43] So it's going to be dicey as to how the governor, who is, you know, in my opinion, running for another office already, how he and the leaders of the House and the Senate are going to manage the legislation that there's going to be a lot of people want to go to the far left. And that's not where this state is. This state, I think, and I think my colleagues here would say the same thing. We're pretty much in the middle.

[00:12:13] And all you have to do is take a look at the increase in the number of independents, which are people who left the Republican or left the Democratic Party saying, you know, pox on both your houses. I'm going to be an independent. And that's a whole nother discussion to come up later. Rahm Emanuel said that the Republicans lost this year, 2026. But what the Democrats do in 2027 will determine whether or not they won this election.

[00:12:41] And there's a lot of truth to that. I know here's a novel idea. And I think the voters are dying for this. How about now that the Democrats have more control? How about even in the Commonwealth where we've won the trifecta? How about the Democrats reaching out to the Republicans, finding issues where there's some common ground and passing that legislation? I think if they do that, the Democrats will stay in the majority for a long, long time.

[00:13:10] People are sick and tired of what's going on, of this posturing, this tilting of windmills, this, you know, obstructing each other's agenda just for the sake of partisan politics. I think that working together might be the winning formula. Rob Emanuel, that comment was a good – Oh, I'm sorry. That's an interesting comment, Joe, because it really does – that's an interesting point of what do they do in 27?

[00:13:37] I mean, as I said, with Nixon's big win there, because it was so cataclysmic. Even though we're in the White House still, there's such a sense that the Democrats have swept. And now, like, things are going to get better and they're going to want them to get better on the policy side and whatnot. Let me sidebar just one quick second to Eugene. And that is – it's interesting with the governor's current ambitions, it might not have been a bad thing for the Republicans to hold on to the Senate.

[00:14:06] Because now you really – he's really under a microscope now that we swept all branches of government in the way that they did. And there's going to have to be a real spotlight on getting certain things done where if they've stalled a little bit in the next couple of years, there's a narrative to say the Republicans and the Senate are stalling me. You know, so he has a lot on his plate right now. I mean, this is the first time in decades that they've controlled the Senate. And now you have a popular, strong governor.

[00:14:35] And so there's going to be expectations. Not that he can't achieve them, but it changed when there was shared government. So I'm going to be looking at, you know, what that means. And I don't know if we want to respond to that before I give a different point, Gene, or not. Well, the one thing I wanted to add, because it was a follow-up to Joe, but I'll even add it to Keith, is that doing center-left stuff, meaning as a Democrat, makes a lot of sense. I mean, to me, when I look at the federal level, I think something that they could do right away.

[00:15:04] And I think it would put Trump in a box, but in a good way, because I think it's something the voters want. And that is this reform of how they trade stocks as elected federal officials and sort of force them to veto it. I think they get 350 to 400 members of the U.S. House to vote for that. Put that on the table. Do permitting reform so we can use more domestic energy, you know, that helps jobs, helps lower energy costs. And you could sell it that way in the state.

[00:15:31] Look, I think the governor is going to have to do minimum wage, but also something that takes down barriers to building new housing in cities. You know, stuff like that that has the effect of, you know, it's a good progressive idea, but does it in a center-left type of way. I think those type of policies would really, A, they would be the voters want it, and B, would help cement us politically. And whether that happens or not, time will tell. Let me also answer, Stacey, the other question.

[00:15:56] And that is you've heard me say through the years that I always believe since the Obama administration, politics changed in my mind. Where the whole reality politics of the White House became so present and such a front burner in Americans' minds that they had little understanding of state legislatures or Congress or senators or governors. It was all the presidency all the time.

[00:16:21] So I 100 percent, whether people believe it or not, I believe Trump was on the ballot. And he was such on the ballot. He was such an 800-pound gorilla that literally this could be laid at his feet that this was an abject – I mean a rejection of his policies and where he's taking the country at this moment in time.

[00:16:40] But the danger there – and not the danger, but the reality for me is although we want affordability and all these different things, there was very little specifics on the Democratic side because they didn't need to be. I mean they rode that pony. That pony was a winning pony. So they didn't have to talk about a lot. So there could be some surprise and disheartening among some Americans if they don't really figure out their leaders and their policies in a way that fits where they believe they should be taking America.

[00:17:10] You know, if they're ruled by the far left or if there is – there's a sense of a progressive effect on governing, that could bite them. I mean, and you need – even in big majorities, you need the right policies and maybe even more so, and you need the right leaders. And you only have to look back at Watergate. I mean after Watergate, if it wasn't for the pardon, probably the president would have been elected in 76. It was that close.

[00:17:39] And by 80, we took the Senate and swept the presidency. So it went away that quickly. As much as I love Jimmy Carter as a former president, he was outmatched in the economy. And it was the wrong leader for the time. And when it didn't fit, they rejected him in a huge way where when you read the articles around Watergate in 1974, you would think that they were left for dead for the next generation Republicans. So again, we're going to look to who they lead with and what policies like what was mentioned by Eugene and others.

[00:18:07] What are they going to lead with on the policy book to see if the real change is coming down the pike? Let's take a look, if I can, as to the significance of this particular election for the Democrats nationwide on an historic basis. And I'm just going to go back to, oh, why don't we go back to 2010? And that is Barack Obama's first midterm. He lost 63 House seats and six Senate seats.

[00:18:35] It looks like there's not going to be as many, it's not appear to be going to be as many House seat defections from the Republican side. But there is one more Senate seat. So on an historical basis, is this any bigger, different, have more impact than any other previous election? Stacey, I think it's bigger for this reason. And this is a, you start off with a pox on both houses. The redistricting has gotten even worse.

[00:19:04] So the idea that you had this many seats switch while both parties have been trying to protect incumbents now for a decade and a half, makes this one even bigger because I didn't think that many seats were even in play. Here's how big this one was. There's a guy who's going into Congress from New Jersey. They interviewed him two days after the election. He said, I didn't think I could win. My family wasn't prepared for this. I didn't even know I had a chance to even make it close. I had to Google what the salary was of a member of Congress.

[00:19:33] That's how big this was. You have somebody who won in New Jersey who two days afterwards when somebody said, hey, congratulations, you got to go to the congressional transition meeting. He's like, oh, by the way, what's the salary? He didn't know. Wow. That may have been, may sum it up right there. People just didn't think they were going to win. All right. So let me go back to the 19, I'm sorry, the 2010 election.

[00:20:00] And Governor, I think you will agree that was where the Tea Party really came out in force. And from the Tea Party, my estimation, we got the MAGA movement eventually. So where does the MAGA movement stand now? Well, I'm not sure the Tea Party people are the MAGA people. I think they're completely different because I think the MAGA, the Tea Party people were much more on the fiscal side and somewhat on the Christian coalition side.

[00:20:29] The MAGA definitely is. I believe MAGA is the result of the personality of the president himself. And people liked what he was saying, agree with what he was saying. He was kind of flamboyant in the way he's saying. He'd been a TV star for years before that. So I separate the two. However, you know, you remember I won that election in 2010 and I had a primary opponent.

[00:20:59] And I campaigned and governed from the middle. Didn't help me when I came in for re-election, but I thought in the middle was where I should be and I promised it. And MAGA didn't exist because at that point in time, Trump hadn't gotten into it. So this is all, in the greater scheme of things, a rather short period of time, almost like a meteor or a shooting star. And maybe that shooting star, you know what happens to them? They disappear.

[00:21:30] Well, Trump's not going to disappear for at least two years. But will that organization, what we call MAGA, be able to continue to exist? My gut says no because he was the leader of it. When he's no longer in power, he might be able to spend money on helping some campaigns, but it's not going to be the same as being the president of the United States.

[00:21:55] I want to say that I do believe the two political obituaries were written on Tuesday for Republicans. I believe the MAGA movement, as I think was articulated by Gov, was I think it sunsets in two years. I think the MAGA movement has an end date. I think it died that night. But more importantly, it took the vice president with it. The political obituary of J.D. Vance came on Tuesday evening.

[00:22:22] And the biggest winner in that is the National Security Advisor and Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, who I believe in the next month or two, you'll see him standing down from the presidency, excuse me, from the presidency, from the cabinet. And then whatever happens in Congress or whatever happens on the Democratic side, I think for the next two years, you'll hear more news people going to the secretary than the president as far as what he thinks.

[00:22:50] And he'll get a lot of commentary on Sunday morning programs and others and start to be able to hone in on an agenda for 2028. I believe he's literally guaranteed the nomination of the Republican Party in 28 that night. And I think J.D. Vance, listen, you can leave the cabinet. You can't leave. The vice president can't leave. And he's inextricably tied to the president. And I think it's over. And we all thought eventually that would happen.

[00:23:17] Anyhow, it just accelerated it with that punch on Tuesday evening. One thing I want to add to Governor Corbett's line, and this is not counter the Keith, but it's more to add on to the governor's that I, you know, look, I was in the state house and beginning my run for auditor general at the height of the Tea Party movement. And so that was very much a fiscal issue. They were very much focused on fiscal issues, whether you agreed or disagreed with them.

[00:23:47] Trump was a show. Trump's the carnival barker. So MAGA is about Trump. Tea Party was about fiscal issues. And, you know, and the governor did have a primary. You know, he wanted handily. But the person that ran against him in a primary was hammering him on the economic far right. And he was hammering all of us on the economic far right. But that person wasn't putting on a show. Trump is putting on a show.

[00:24:14] And it's when you are a great theater production person and you give me the script and the theater production person leaves and you give me the script of that person. And just because I utter those lines doesn't mean I can continue that. I think MAGA dies when Trump leaves because that doesn't mean Republicans die. In fact, there's going to be a new probably a new rise of mainstream Republicans. But Trump is a singular entity. No one can do what he does.

[00:24:44] He literally, when I was in high school, was playing cameos in movies. I mean, that's who he is. He has been a culturally relevant figure for four decades. Joe, you have always been a big time supporter of the MAGA movement, I know. So give me your thoughts.

[00:25:04] Look, if the Democrats are lucky, somebody, anybody who had anything to do with Trump, even Marco Rubio, anybody will be their president, will be the Republican presidential candidate. You can't escape the stain. Liz Cheney's right. The shame will live long after Donald Trump is gone.

[00:25:26] You can't have stood by him as he insulted our veterans, as he insulted ethnic groups, as he called people despicable names, as he mocked the disabled. You can't stand by him and then get that stain off of you. So if that's where the Republicans are headed, I think they're going to lose the White House in a couple years as well. But, you know, hopefully there will be other responsible candidates. We'll rise to the surface.

[00:25:52] We can have an honest debate over policy and we'll let the American people speak. Stacey, let me add, this goes well beyond the presidency. Let's see. This election went down into the state houses and went down into the governorship. And I think, again, correct me if I'm wrong, the Democrats now have 27 or 28 governors.

[00:26:21] And the next two years are going to be extremely interesting to see how they govern and how they impact the people on an everyday basis. Because, frankly, yes, the president can still affect them. But all politics is local. I think a well-known former Speaker of the House from Massachusetts one time said that, Tip O'Neill. All politics is local. And it comes down to the dollars and it comes down to getting the job done.

[00:26:48] And when you do have the governor's mansion and you have both houses, you better get something done. Or two years from now, it's going to be a different story. One more thing is I think you're going to see people who survived on the Republican side start building improved careers or new careers or their own identity. We had a couple Republican statehouse members out here who had close races that in the past they didn't have a close race.

[00:27:17] I think they're potential statewide candidates down the road. Interesting. You know, Governor Corbett knows this probably better than any of us. When your party has control of all three, both chambers and the governor's mansion, everybody on your team thinks they're entitled to everything they want because you have all the power. So it's very hard for you to manage your own people. And we'll see how the Democrats do, you know, now that they have both chambers at least.

[00:27:46] And legislatively, we'll see how they do. It's not an easy task ahead. You know, this is going to be a difficult task, but it's not impossible. You have to come up with reasonable proposals, reasonable legislation. Our greatest fear on the Democratic side is they'll go too far left because people think, well, we control both chambers now. Let's start pushing some of our agenda forward. That will be the death knell for this great opportunity that the Democrats now have in front of them.

[00:28:13] Well, that really pertains also to the U.S. House. That the far left, the Democratic Socialists, do have a voice. But most, the majority of the Democrats who were elected, if I'm not mistaken, I guess I was mistaken on the Tea Party and MAGA. But if I'm not mistaken on this one, center-left Democrats really control more of the House now than before.

[00:28:39] So can the Democratic Socialist movement inside the House affect whatever legislation that the Democrats may want to put forward? They see even AOC has moved towards the center a bit. Okay. She's abandoned the part. She's running either for the Senate or for the presidency. But she's moved towards the center, which I think is a bellwether moment. I think they're realizing that staying on the far left isn't helping anybody.

[00:29:08] They're not going to get their way, and they're going to really diminish the Democratic opportunity to move forward. It will be interesting to see where Bernie Sanders goes because he's been the voice there to the far left. But now he has other young people surrounding him. And will he still have that kind of leadership role in the Congress? It's going to be interesting.

[00:29:36] There were definitely – and we could name them a number of what we would call progressive or socialists or even some of them had some communist tendencies that did make it to the winner's circle last Tuesday. But the win was so big that they don't wag the dog. The tail doesn't wag the dog.

[00:29:58] If it was a little closer and their coalition of whatever it was, dozen, 14, could change whether something gets passed, then it's a real issue for them because then they hold you hostage. But quite frankly, the election was enough of a tsunami that they can – they'll pay attention to them because they want them to get reelected by their own constituencies. But they don't have the control they would have had had the majority been more narrow. All right.

[00:30:23] The vast majority of the seats gained came from flipping Republican seats, which by very nature, they are more Republican – or more moderate – Correct. Yep. Yep. That's kind of where I was going with the question. You guys finally nailed it there. We're about out of time, so I always like to end this. You know, with politics, you always look ahead to the next election. They were talking about it even on election night. We might as well as well. Joe, your candidates that you think will be the presidential nominees for both parties.

[00:30:52] Well, I like John Ossoff, and I think Rubio might be the Republican, and that's a pretty good matchup in my book. All right. Governor. I don't have one yet. I really don't see one that I think can go forward. You know, the comment about the Secretary of State is a logical comment. But, you know, the leadership in the Senate is changing. The leadership in the House is changing.

[00:31:21] I think the next year is where you're going to start seeing some people talk about running. And at the same time, who's going to be the Democrat candidate? That's what I'm asking. Oh, I thought you were asking for the Republican. No, no. I was asking for both parties. For me, Stacey, I'm going to say, unlike 2016, and look, let's see who announces. You know, I think we're all going to, you know, see a bunch of names out there.

[00:31:49] I think for me, the difference between now and 2016 is that I think even if people wanted Hillary to be the candidate, having the DNC put the thumb on the scale to ensure she was the candidate was a huge mistake. This should be an open, fair fight. Let everyone that wants to run go for it. Let the voters pick. And then the party should rally behind the winner as opposed to the party trying to prejudge the winner.

[00:32:17] I think that hurt Hillary in 2016. I think it hurt her with younger voters. I think it hurt her with more progressive voters. I think she would have won the nomination anyway. And this time around, none of that should take place. So whatever role I have in this, whether it's as a voter or as a leader or anywhere in between, the thing I'm going to insist on is the party doesn't pick the candidate. The voters pick the candidate. Then we rally to the winner and try to win the White House in the general election.

[00:32:43] OK, well, you successfully did not answer the question as to who you think the nominees will be. They see you knew that was coming. Hey, Keith, don't leave me out here alone. Pick two. Well, you don't have to worry about me because I've been saying it for over the years. Over a year. And although it was a cataclysmic election, my opinion still hasn't changed. You're going to nominate a southern governor. I believe it's going to be the governor of Kentucky. And I've said that for a year and a half. And I believe the matchup will be him and Rubio. And I think it will be a nail-biter.

[00:33:14] I think in response to your comment, Joe, and then I'll wrap this up here. As far as Rubio and tying him to Trump, I think it's going to be more tied to the Iran war. Depending on how that ends, how much they're going to be able to tag Rubio with the Iran war. And I think that's going to be his biggest problem moving forward unless he moves out of that office, as Keith said, fairly soon.

[00:33:42] So I had my two cents in there. Maybe I was right finally for one of them. Who knows? Gentlemen, thanks so much for joining us for this edition of Trunk and Tails. We'll see you again in a couple of weeks.